December 20, 2025

When Tracking Backfires: What Not to Measure

Tracking reliably helps people reach goals. It can also turn a hobby you love into work. When tracking backfires, and what to stop measuring.

Every January, somebody decides to finally read more. A target gets set, 40 books, and an app with a progress bar gets installed. By June the books feel like homework, and a person who loved reading has become a person behind on reading. Nothing about the books changed. Something about the counting did, and researchers have caught that souring in the lab often enough that we can now say something precise about when tracking backfires and when it doesn't.

An awkward admission first: we build a goal tracking app, so an article about the damage a counter can do is not the obvious content move. But the evidence here is specific in a way that both tracking evangelism and tracking panic miss, and the specific version is more useful than either. A counter is neither medicine nor poison. What matters is what you point it at.

The Case for Tracking Still Stands

Start with the side of the ledger that keeps our lights on. In 2016, Benjamin Harkin and colleagues published a meta-analysis in Psychological Bulletin covering 138 studies and 19,951 participants, asking whether prompting people to monitor their progress toward a goal helps them reach it. It does. Monitoring proved an effective self-regulation strategy, with a small-to-medium effect on goal attainment (d = 0.40). So if your question is simply "does habit tracking work," the answer for goals you are moving toward is yes, and we've written about how to read what your tracker collects in what your goal tracker data is telling you.

Notice the phrasing, though: progress toward a goal. Every study in that pile watched people moving toward an outcome they held. What happens when you bolt a counter onto an activity with no outcome attached, the kind of thing you do on a Sunday because you like it? That question got its careful answer the same year.

A Pedometer, Taped Shut

Consumer researcher Jordan Etkin ran six experiments on what she called personal quantification: measuring your own activity with no goal in sight, just a number ticking up. The most vivid one used pedometers. Ninety-five students wore one from morning to evening on an ordinary day. Half could check their step count whenever they liked; nearly all had opted in to seeing it. The other half wore a pedometer taped shut.

By evening, the students who could see their steps had walked more than the students who couldn't. They had also enjoyed walking less. A second walking experiment added a condition where checking the count was merely optional, and the option was enough: output rose, enjoyment fell, and the tracked walkers ended the day feeling less happy and less satisfied than the untracked ones.

More steps, less joy

Students who wore a working pedometer walked more that day but enjoyed walking less than students whose pedometer was taped shut. The pattern held even though they had opted in to seeing the count (Etkin, 2016).

The pattern repeated wherever she pointed it. Students given ten minutes to color shapes produced more of them when an on-screen counter tracked their output, and the counted colorers also used fewer colors and drew less creatively. Readers with a page count read more pages. Across the six experiments, measurement pushed the amount of activity up and the enjoyment of it down.

Measurement Makes Fun Feel Like Work

Why would a number on a screen do that? Etkin's answer runs through attention. A counter drags your focus to output, and attention on output reframes the activity itself: less something you're doing, more something you're producing. In the walking data, tracked students rated walking as closer to work than untracked students did, and that shift statistically explained the drop in enjoyment. It isn't stress doing this; in the experiment that checked, tracked readers reported no more stress or anxiety than untracked ones. The counter didn't make the activity harder. It changed what the activity was.

The tidiest demonstration used a frame. Etkin had 310 students read a book excerpt for eight minutes, some with a page count and some without, and presented the reading to some as fun and to others as work. Unless reading had been framed as work, the counter cut enjoyment. Framed as work, the drop vanished; there was nothing left for the counter to convert.

A counter asks one question of everything it touches: how much? The things you love were never answering that question. Force it on them and they start to feel like a job, minus the paycheck.

Turn the Counter Off and Watch

While the number is visible, output climbs; that held in every one of the six experiments. The bill arrives when the number goes away. In one reading study, Etkin switched the page counter off for the final two minutes, for everyone. The previously counted readers, who minutes earlier had been out-reading the control group, now read less than people who had never been counted at all. In another, readers who could peek at a page count (nearly all did) finished the session and then simply chose whether to keep reading.

27.3%

Share of readers who chose to keep reading after a session with a page counter available, versus 48.5% of readers who were never counted (Etkin, 2016, Experiment 6). During the measured session those same readers had out-read the untracked group; the gap opened only afterward, once nothing was counting.

That result is the one to sit with. The counter never made anyone do less; it made them do more, right up until it stopped. What it quietly spent was the wanting underneath, the part that decides whether you come back tomorrow when nothing is counting.

The Overjustification Effect, Wearing a Number

If this shape feels familiar, it's one of psychology's oldest warnings about motivation in new clothes. Promised rewards can drain intrinsic interest from activities people already enjoy: preschoolers who agreed to draw in order to win a certificate later drew less on their own time in Lepper, Greene and Nisbett's magic marker experiment, and Deci, Koestner and Ryan's meta-analysis of 128 experiments found that expected, tangible rewards reliably undermined intrinsic motivation for interesting tasks. That's the overjustification effect, and we've unpacked it, contested edges included, in should you reward yourself for reaching goals. Etkin's experiments extend the mechanism a step further: you don't need to promise a prize. A running tally pulls attention to output on its own, and the activity's own reasons quietly lose the argument.

Nobody sees it coming, either. In Etkin's surveys, 88% of people wanted their steps counted, and they predicted measurement would make walking more enjoyable. The cost is real and invisible from the front, which is how it survives in a culture cheerfully committed to the quantified self.

Why care, if output goes up anyway? Because enjoyment is load-bearing. In Woolley and Fishbach's studies of New Year's resolutions, studying, and gym workouts, enjoying the pursuit itself predicted whether people persisted at long-term goals better than the delayed payoff did; importance predicted intentions, enjoyment predicted what people actually did. It's correlational work, so "predicted" is the honest verb, and it's part of why temptation bundling earns its keep. Enjoyment is not a decoration on long-term behavior. It's the fuel line. A tool that trades it away for this week's output is borrowing from the account next month draws on.

When Tracking Backfires, and When It Doesn't

Etkin drew the boundary herself, and it's the most practical part of the paper. The undermining appeared when enjoyable activities were measured with no goal attached. Framed as work, reading survived its page count untouched. And in an ancillary study that gave readers an explicit goal, to read as many pages as possible, measurement stopped hurting enjoyment and even marginally increased it. Her own conclusion allows the flip side: measurement may enhance enjoyment of activities done in the service of a goal, like reading to learn or running to get in shape.

Her experiments and Harkin's 138 studies are not at war; they bracket each other. One tested counters attached to goals people held, the other counters attached to nothing. Put together, they replace a mood (tracking good, tracking bad) with a rule.

Worth Measuring
Goal-linked
The activity serves an outcome you chose: training for a race, saving for a deposit, learning a language. Monitoring progress here reliably improves your odds (Harkin et al., 2016).
Better Unmeasured
Joy-linked
The activity is the point: reading for pleasure, the Sunday ride. A counter here pushes output up while draining the enjoyment that brings you back (Etkin, 2016).

What Deserves a Counter

The instinct to track everything treats every number as equally virtuous. They aren't, and the test fits in a single question asked of each one: what goal does this serve? The kilometers logged for a race you entered serve one. The words per day on the book you're determined to finish serve one. So do the steps, if you're rebuilding your health after a rough year. Track all of it; that's the territory where the evidence is squarely on your side.

Then there's the other column. The novels you read to unwind. The ride that isn't training for anything. The sketchbook and the sourdough. If the honest answer to "what goal does this serve" is that it's the point in itself, a counter has nothing to improve and something to take. Measuring hobbies converts them, slowly, into unpaid shift work. Leave the number off and let them keep their own reasons.

That boundary is baked into how Future You works: you don't track free-floating numbers there, every habit hangs off a goal you set first, which is the condition where measurement actually helps. It's free on iOS and Android.

For activities people do for their own sake, it may be better not to know.

Jordan EtkinJournal of Consumer Research (2016)

Count the training runs and the study hours, and read what they tell you. Then take the tally off the things that were never going anywhere, because they were never supposed to. You don't need to know how many pages you read on the porch last summer. You need to still want to sit there next summer.

Sources

  • Etkin, J. (2016). The hidden cost of personal quantification. Journal of Consumer Research, 42(6), 967-984. DOI
  • Harkin, B., Webb, T.L., Chang, B.P.I., Prestwich, A., Conner, M., Kellar, I., Benn, Y. & Sheeran, P. (2016). Does monitoring goal progress promote goal attainment? A meta-analysis of the experimental evidence. Psychological Bulletin, 142(2), 198-229. DOI
  • Deci, E.L., Koestner, R. & Ryan, R.M. (1999). A meta-analytic review of experiments examining the effects of extrinsic rewards on intrinsic motivation. Psychological Bulletin, 125(6), 627-668. DOI
  • Lepper, M.R., Greene, D. & Nisbett, R.E. (1973). Undermining children's intrinsic interest with extrinsic reward: A test of the "overjustification" hypothesis. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 28(1), 129-137. DOI
  • Woolley, K. & Fishbach, A. (2017). Immediate rewards predict adherence to long-term goals. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 43(2), 151-162. DOI

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